Sunday, March 6, 2011

Over My Knee With Her Panties Pulled Down

The Moors and the Inquisition.


Franco Borja Llopis
University of Valencia. Departament d'Història de l'Art. Facultat de Geografia i Història ( 1 )

Summary
This article is an approach to the conception that the Moors were the art and worship before their expulsion based mainly on inquisitorial sources. Show how to understand the worship of images and their reaction to the obligations imposed religious power. We will also analyze how, through the iconoclasm, tried to defend their identity. Finally, we will question the validity of the source to study these processes art reception.

We wanted to title this article with the same words Cardaillac (1990), twenty years ago, used to group a set of texts that were devoted to study the relationships between the Moors and the Holy Office during the Modern Age. In our case included a footnote that makes clear the intentions of these pages were born: to know what role art played in this difficult social situation and to what extent inquisitorial sources can analyze what the conception that he had on the Moors.
Interestingly, despite the large number of papers devoted to know what were the causes, processes and punishments received by this group in the modern era, the artistic factor as a representation of the cultural fabric of this period, remained marginalized until recently. As discussed, many authors have illustrated this brilliantly-cultural relations through the Inquisition, some of them are Bohigues Pons (1888), Sanabria (1946), Garrad (1960), Garcia-Arenal (1978), Garcia Carcel (1980, 1981, 1998), Vincent (1982), Fernández Nieva (1985) , Malmierca Sierro (1990), Burshatin (1999), Kamen (1999), Bennassar (2000), Benítez Sánchez-Blanco (2000a, 2000b), Epalza (2001) ... and a long list of researchers who continue, especially following the recent conclusion of the fourth centenary of the expulsion of the Moors, monographs devoted to these aspects.
We
had to wait until 2007 to find recent rigorous work on the role of art in the inquisitorial documents, more specifically, in Granada. Pereda (2007), in his excellent book entitled Images of contention
analyzed the conversion process under the mandate of the Catholic Monarchs and Hernando de Talavera is produced in that territory, and visual strategies were used for this end. The researcher presented us not only the Catholic attitude to the Moorish acculturation, but also the reaction, more or less violent, by this group to the assimilation and the imposition worship through images, a fact that could shape through various sources, mainly the Inquisition. This first approach, which has set an example for other projects we have completed recently (Franco Llopis, 2008, 2009 and 2010 c) showed how important it was to take the processes of inquiry as a fundamental document to know the artistic theory of the Five Hundred and to understand attitudes such as iconoclasm, ie the destruction of images as a sign of affirmation of an ideology and struggle for survival. This is the intention with this paper was born. We show with examples throughout our country, taken with a detailed emptying of the Inquisition of the sixteenth century that still today are preserved, what were the attitudes of the Moors to the art and what might have possible links with another of the great debates about the image that was in the same period: Protestant controversy and criticism of Catholic idolatry.
To understand the defense before the Moorish iconophobia papers presented at the Inquisition, we must start with a brief study of his theology. The Quran is very explicit in their approach to this aspect, perhaps the only mention we could encounter in this respect would be the text of the Sura CXII, confession of faith par excellence of Islam, which states that God is one "The Impenetrable! Begets not, has not been generated; nobody is like him! ". This means that you will never visually represent divinity because nothing can equal it. This reluctance is most evident in the hadiths . Barrucand (1995, p. 59-60) studied in the many allusions to them are discussed in relation to the denial of the veneration of the image, for example, the rejection of the angel Gabriel announced the coming of the prophet in a house plagued image, or the conviction of Mohammed to the Christians of Ethiopia to build memorials richly decorated with figures representing divinity Anthropomorphic, sign up to idolatry. Longas (1990 [1915], p. 7), meanwhile, believed that it was also essential to understand the Muslim position his command where they were told: 'You shall worship only the Creator, not through images represent, and honor to protected and blessed Prophet Muhammad. "


These religious texts were used by the Muslims themselves to criticize the attitude of Christians to the images. Asin Palacios (1929, p. 112, also quoted in Perez, 2007, p. 340), for example, in his study of the medieval philosopher of Cordoba Abenházam presented his complaint to the idolatry of the neighboring town:
Know that Christians all agree to paint a picture in their churches say be the image of the Creator, another of the Messiah, one of Mary, another Peter, another of Paul, the cross, another image of Gabriel and a Israfil. In addition, prostrate themselves before images and worship them, and fast in his honor, as an act of religion. Now this is pure idolatry and polytheism doubt, and while they condemn all idolatry, the fact is that the images are public worship, and proof that it is, is that they believe that the cult seen in perspective, not the images themselves, but with the people they represent.

These words exemplify perfectly the idea put forward by Echevarria (1999, p. 163) stating that "Islam Did not Conceive the Difference between a statue and adoring adoring Something Beyond it: both idolatry Were Considered. "

Christians tried to fight this ideology repeating, again and again, that they too were against idolatry and that what mattered was the idea represented. Thus did all the theologians of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, as Perez de Chinchón, Hernando de Talavera, Jaime Prades, Paleotti ...; arguments not covered in this article for us away from the goal at hand, but they were totally unheeded by the Moors Hispanics. The same we see in the process Garcia Montilla Moorish who, after passing by a cross and do not bow, it was explained that " stone cross that is remembrance of the passion of Jesus Christ crucified ", he denied that the piece of wood" represent "this holy figure, thought it was an inanimate being. At the insistence of the court said then: "I do not want to remove the cap on the cross because I confessed my parents' ( 2) That is, the Moorish referred to the family tradition to defend their attitude. We must not forget that the crypto-Islamism, particularly in Hispanic lands, it was transmitted from father to son in parallel and official Christianity hidden tax, a fact that would justify such a claim.

addition to this example selected, in other inquisitorial we see reflected different attitudes toward the dispute between the images and their veneration. Inmates could be arrested for not having worshiped before or during the trial, had mocked them, or even destroy them. In all cases coincide with the previous example to see the performing arts as mere material elements without any significance. For example, Gerona Churros, Moorish Aragon, said that he did not understand how Christians hoped that by worshiping a piece of wood could go to heaven (3
), claim that we can see completed by the words of the slave Granada called Vertáis, which rebuked the inquisitors because the Muslims believe in "God
in Santa Maria and Jesus Christ " Christians "believe on the packages " ( 4 ) These accusations are repeated in more of a hundred processes spread throughout our country. To cite another example, Mordalet of Massalavés (Valencia) satirized as " Christians kneel in front of a tree they call crucifix and a figure
Yess" believing that "what is good
the tree but to give in cabeça ? "( 5
), referring then to the attitude stupid of their persecutors. Others, like Jerome Michinio, Moorish Oliva (Valencia), was more hurtful, they wanted "eye burned Christians were worshiping a piece of wood " (
6
) They continued to believe that the images were not necessary to pray, as believed Fernando de Murcia Granada in court by stating that ' creeys on a stick [...] I believe more in the HEART of Mohammed on the cross "( 7) In fact, These arguments were based for their iconoclastic acts, Hans Cardiny, Moorish Murcia thought they were good such destruction and losses of the crosses for " devian sticks were not anything " (
8
).
The inquisitors, knowing the hostility to the veneration of the image, they decided that one of the methods for judging their heretical or apostate attitude was to show it in their own Inquisition and analyze how they reacted. A negative before it would secure a conviction. This procedure was in all dioceses. In Aragon, for example, Gabriel Royo, in 1585 he was tried in prison where " estava a cruciffixo" and "not grasping
compliance they told him that he and redilló Rudin and rose and said that he had not seen the donkey, he said the aviation understood that the cruciffixo
"( 9 ). Ginés Delgado, in this case Moorish Granada "
giving worship a Christ loved not havia worship" (10
). Valencia also found a similar process in which the defendant, Angela Rabac, new Christian Valles, was presented with an asking if he knew Christ, to which he replied "I do not know" and "telling her that it was Christ Our Lord said the greatest area was Muhammad "(
11 ) returning back to the sculpture. It was not only during the Inquisition where he demonstrated his refusal to worship. The abundant documentation consulted us back a large number of cases where this was the case prior to their imprisonment. In the Moorish Ecija Diego Hernandez was witnessed by three older men because "persuading him to kneel before the statue of Our Lady, I had not wanted to do, before you throw a hat talking some gibberish words" (12 ). Showed similar attitude Beatriz grenadine Rondi, who " was witnessed by two witnesses, one of view from in front of a aviéndose ymagen and removed his hat and made compliance with the said Beatriz Rondi haziendo riyendo as fun, I aviation said:" hammock that you take off your hat elf "pointing to the ymagen Hazi " ( 13 ). In fact, they refused to participate in any religious or social celebration in which the cross, the highest standard of repression, was home. This fact can be found in various inquisitorial. The court tried several Moorish Valencia because, in a visit by the bishop of Tortosa a witness' commanded them to go aside to greet the cross 'and they said that " not intended to accompany the cross because that tap to become Christians by force non-Christians and to accompany the cross was to renounce their claims and they were by Christians "( 14 ). These words are symptomatic not only of the fact before us, but also the failure of forced baptisms, however much they try to impose a faith, Muslims remained inside and did not hesitate to express publicly. Moreover, these same Moors were ashamed of those that do come forward to serve Catholics. This we can find Valencia exemplified in another process in which a new convert wanted to carry a cross in procession on Ascension Day, and after this' did a year that the Moors of this place have designed this great hatred "(15 .)

All these statements do wonder to what extent the policy was effective evangelization. Pereda (2007) talked about how Hernando de Talavera, along with Isabel the Catholic, made the request to a Flemish sculptor of many pieces to evangelize. In our other work (Franco Llopis, 2008, 2009 and 2010 c) have tried to show how Valencia also followed this trend, especially by preachers Jesuits who were handing out rosaries and pictures among their peers think that, with the possession of them and their own talks, the produce a sincere conversion. Inquisitorial process also speak of the use of these images to evangelize. We could serve as an example the case of Juan de Guzman, Moorish neighbor Baza, in 1593, after preaching that "it was a good Christian and believe in one true God and Muhammad leave" and show a cross, he replied that " Moors believe in God but do not want to believe in these crosses or have them for good, aviéndole reprimanded this man saying that [if] not believe in the crosses not believe in God "( 16) This would be the attitude that we find repeated in most processes, a whole series words of ridicule and criticism to them, like Mary Alferadi, Moorish slave Leonor de Cordoba, who "looked a ymagenes spat on the ground" to see how Christians "believe Pedaço wooden sticks and " ( 17 ). Anyway we should not forget that sometimes they do that they might have a positive effect on the prisoners, but are few cases and they ask to what extent are certain the reasoning of the Moors who claimed that his conversion depended to some extent, the preaching by the ministers of the Church who used pictures to illustrate them and convince them of their errors in faith . We refer this to the case of a Valencian morisquilla " refused because it said the cause of her father as havia maltratava because he has heard that Christ our Lord havia suffered more for us, that wanted to experience more of what he suffered for " ( 18 ). That is, those images of the suffering Christ with the words of the preacher, supposedly permeated inside and helped him to withstand the abuse of her father, abuse common in Moorish families, as we showed Benítez Sánchez-Blanco (Contreras / Sawing / Benítez, 2005, p. 108), who, considering the attitude of the newly converted Alatar around images, Joanico explained how one of his servants, took a batch of sticks for buying a print of the Virgen del Rosario, and "
as he beat his master repeated that spent money to buy papers were useless
. "
This denial of worship Images can not be considered to be typical only of the Moors. Analyzing all the documentation we have found that the Inquisition was a constant within the complicated social and spiritual fabric of the XVI and XVII. From early on various heresies denied their religion and, above all, an element matérico condense the essence of divinity. Freedberg (1992 [1989] p. 84-85) found its origin in Philo of Judea ( of confusion linguarum , 27), and in some early Christian writers from Origen and Clement of Alexandria and Byzantine critics. The researcher creates a link cited in theories of Emperor Constantine V and the Council iconoclastic 754. All these ideas were picked up by the leading figures of the Reformation as Luther, Zwingli or the most radical of all, Calvin, who argued that God could not be represented by lifeless objects, stone or wood, and manufactured by hand of man, much less could be present in them and be adored. The different attitudes of the Protestant faction have been studied by many researchers, highlighting the work of Koerner (2004), Eire (1986), Michalski (1983) and Thomas (2001), the latter most notably in the Hispanic. Precisely in this region we see most of those tried for heresy Lutheran origin had gala. We must not forget how Cardaillac (1971) we discussed the similarities between Protestants and Moors, as well as the relationships remained. According to the research we can see that the Moors and Protestants shared this aversion to the image. Curiously, in the Aragonese territory that fact became more visible, as the French principality of Bearn had a very high activity in the area and, in turn, maintained political contacts with the Moorish minority. For example the Frenchman living in Zaragoza Juan de la Borda was arrested in 1588 because that " ydólatra call many times a Catholic because Lutherans christiano ydólatras call Christians to hear missa and worship the ymágenes "( 19) or the case of Mateo Carreras, soldier, who said" the ymágines of the saints who are in the church are nothing but sticks "( 20 ). These ideas spread throughout the peninsula and not only came from France settled in our territory. In the south we find the process to Jorge Gita, German,

havia said that he had not purgatory and not of beneran the ymágines Avian or waterways in praying to the saints [...] attending the preaching in the Lutheran ministers quale aviation has heard wrong of the doctrine from the Church of Rome, Pope summa of the Mass, religions and ymágines, the Blessed Sacrament
(
21 ). To make matters worse, Old Christians also doubted the usefulness of the images, perhaps influenced by the hostile environment in which they became involved and the alleged contradictions between the doctrines of Exodus and Deuteronomy, which prohibited the performing arts, and new theories that were based on the very incarnation of Christ to justify their worship. For example, in 1582, the Aragonese court judged Juan de la Fuente because he believed that " those wooden saints were" shot at one of its partners that "if they wanted to believe that llevasse a river and if the yva holy upstream that could well believe him, but it was a piece of wood "(
22
). And as he found so many cases that show us how necessary were the artistic and catechisms treated to eradicate these problems not only among religious minorities but also among Christians themselves old, trying to clarify and classify the different degrees of worship and worship the Images were owed.
Going back to Moorish, Christian, despite the above, continued to insist on imposing the cult of the image. Not in vain as Hernando de Talavera, Archbishop of Granada, Feliciano Figueroa, bishop of Segovia or the same Ignacio de las Casas, a Jesuit of Moorish origin, ruled the requirement that all inhabitants of the diocese should have in their rooms images or crosses as sign of their devotion and adherence to Christian doctrine. These mandates were followed in many cases, as demonstrated by the process of Abalos Catalina, Moorish maid Leonor Valderrama had an image of the Virgin Mary being reprimanded by Ferrer, also Moorish, who berated the possession because none of his ancestors had been allowed to take home images for worship ( 23 ). In fact, the newly converted not meet regularly with these obligations, not only as a disguise, as the process shows Pedro Tinel, Cogullada new Christian, prosecuted for not having " or not cross home ymagen " ( 24 ).
Continuing Christian impositions on which were produced under the Moors did not know how to act without betraying their faith, hence the famous letter was sent to the Mufti of Oran asking for advice on what to do with such an uncomfortable situation. He told them that when they were forced to worship idols, Christians should do
the TACB
of alihram and meet your prayers, and your gaze will be directed toward idols when Christians do so; but your intention is directed towards God, but do not be positioned facing the Qibla, the way they do that prayer in the war against the enemy are
(cf. García Arenal, 1975, p. 44-45).

Many disregarded these recommendations were peaceful and the destruction of those symbols are contrary to their ideology that they were a representation of Muslim submission to Catholicism (see Pereda , 2007, p. 58). In other articles we've talked about this fact, focusing our attention on the Valencia region (Franco Llopis, 2010 a and 2010 b), but it was not just on this diocese where these altercations occurred, but was a constant throughout the Iberian Peninsula.
Some of these cases responded, as we said, this imposition of worship. Previously we noted how the preachers, especially the Jesuits, were giving away crosses and rosaries among his audience in order to worship them and see in them the virtues of Catholicism. Many Moors, away to conserve and use them in your prayers, were responsible for stealing and destroying them. This is told in the process Abenzegri Leonor, Leonor alias of Carthage, who, having "taken some captives picked them up and took Christian the best for themselves and took away the crosses and other llevava to cast them into the fire with
Crosses "(
25 ). This same attitude against the beads can be found in the trial of Pedro Carrillo, Moorish Granada, Murcia enlistee who was prosecuted for breaking one of them when he came home from Luis de Castro (26
) or Elizabeth freckle, imprisoned for making fun of the accounts was made up ( 27), just as he did in Valencia in 1593 Hacan of Matet Francisco, calling the cross that hung rosaries as "cross
dogs' ( 28). This battery of statements begs to what extent were effective not only evangelistic campaigns, but the use to which they gave the image. In fact, representatives of Hispanic Protestantism and Cipriano de Valera, the translator of Calvin, spoke in his writings that worship was the same obligation that was not Muslims or Jews to become so real. James wrote: "Many of the Moors, Turks and Jews would be converted to Christ if it were not for the offense and scandal of the images that are in the temples." [See Cardaillac, 1979 (1977), p. 128]. Perhaps, in light of the results would have been smart rethinking preaching systems, a fact that was not out due to the haste and urgency of the decisions taken.
More curious was the attitude of some Moors who were commissioned to create images to destroy them and make clear his dislike of Catholic ideology. Garcia-Arenal (1978, p. 103) tells how, in prisons Cuenca of Muslim inmates were devoted to cross-breeding with straw mattresses to trample, an attitude similar to what had Diego Henriquez, Quintanar, who wore a cross tied with a ribbon so that hung at the height of the espadrille and dragged along the ground behind him when he walked. Miguel also Muca, Moorish Valencia, was arrested because " is public fame was going when he was a justice of the stick cross by land and the people were shocked dello " (
29).

other times acted in the very heart of Christian families. This is understandable when you consider that most of the Moors were Hispanic serving nobles. Such was the case of Maria Rubia, newly converted, in the house of his master Granada
aviendo someone painted a cross with his ordeal in a wall of the house of love said Maria, who was serving and clearing the waterways sweep with a broom
[...] before he was imprisoned came to defer to a petition which he said that a servant of a host of aviation master painted on a wall of the house his master's paintings as a coal and aviéndose galleys against the wall it is sooty aviation corpezuello touch them and so that the waterways cleared and falling prey to persevere in the confession and gave defense and made some inquiries, confessed aver been delinquent as arrears cleared cross aver
(
30 ). aversion to the cross was not only due to the submission that it represented but a doctrinal criticism that made the Christians believe that Jesus Christ died on it, as they felt it was not the preacher but another robber who died in the Calvary.

Sometimes the acts were more virulent, featuring more than obvious analogies with the Protestant iconoclasm (see Christin, 1991, Eire, 1986, Wandel 1999). Following the model of Muhammad when he reached the Ka'ba that, given that the sanctuary filled with paintings of angels and prophets, ordered the destruction of all those images deposited by pilgrims, the Moors Hispanics also razed, not only in the riots as the Alpujarras (see Pereda, 2007), a large number of churches and private oratories. For example, Valencia was forced to Mosen fuqaha Bonet ' ymágenes and crosses all had [...] them off and broke them and stood there spitting and then burned them before the said Mosen Bonet and told him that from then on not give the masses with the intention of fulfilling xpiano but to save him from xpianos by him that in the host alçava hera not God "(
31). In fact the Moors were, not disturbed, all the criticism for burning and destroying Catholic churches. This we can see it in the process of Vedar Bernardino, new natural converted Vedar near Mojacar in the ancient Kingdom of Granada, which was witnessed by two boys who " telling him and another Moorish dogs, that you have not Images and burned crosses and churches, and the Holy Sacrament stuck in a dung said they were good and requemallas quemallas "( 32 ). The same happened with Constance Lopez, " arose because when the Moors, was shown to have great content and had at home under His asentava dais where the altar of the church consecrated in his house broken and firewood is wood quemava the altarpiece of the church that "(
33
). That is, for them was a very lawful and proper act in defense of their faith. Paintings of saints and images of the crucified Christ were those who suffered more scorn, but also images of the Virgin was spared. These cases were very rare, because the figure of Mary was also revered by this group. For they had a collection of divine favor, a role model, sample of behavior (see Franco Llopis, 2010 d), and even some theologians of this period stressed that fellowship of worship, as Perez de Chinchón that in its Antialcorano
, stated:

Of all my brothers that we remove this right after the person Jesus Christ holy and blessed is Our Lady the Virgin Mary, which was approved qual So then [...] hos no reason we seem to have the Christians, and you also to honor and serve and love our lady the most holy Virgin Mary.
[Pérez Chinchón, 2000 (1532), p. 357]
Idea Guadalajara and seconded by Xavier, who remarked how With all these services greatly praised Christ Our Lord and His most holy Mother: confessing explicitly (as he says Jacques de Valencia) its most pure virginity. Polidoro Virgilio reports that insulted many times to dudavan Iudios because of the virginity of our Lady, where s and founded Abderrodas, famous and ancient alfaqui for it said: that for God , Los Angeles and Muhammad praised Mary most holy, blessed with the title of Virgin, is cursed and excommunicated from all, that such is not any.
(Guadalajara and Xavier, 1613, fol. 34)
In fact, as Mohammed says, in that visit to Mecca, when ordered to destroy all the images that there were ordered to save a burning, which represented just Mary. This coincides with what and Rojas Corral explains in his treatise on the expulsion of the Moors. The author explains how in his revolt razed the whole decoration of churches and in Assumpción a painting of Our Lady of the apostles were with stab wounds and cuts on their faces, but the whole of the Blessed Virgin and no sign. (Corral and Rojas, 1613, fol. 40 v.)

Certainly, Marian images were not destroyed, but did not escape the taunts by of the Moors, especially in relation to the hope that Christians put on them for their salvation. For example, Ysabel, Moorish city of Guadix, upon learning of an alleged miracle performed by Santa Maria de la Cabeza is taunted her by saying "as waterways in fazer miracle Our Lady still in the stone altar " (
34
). While others criticized the realization of his divinity, believing that that representation was merely a "schooner", which had nothing to do with the mother of the prophet, as in the process of achenes alias Miguel Azizus held in Zaragoza 1578 (35 ).
old also some Christians felt the same as the Moors in this area. Significant is the case of Stephen Velastre, native Alcubilla that " wanting to bring this person a nobena by an image of Our Lady, he said that
[...] put away which is nothing but a stick to the sky to shine Avian and not one that was a stick " (
36
).
Another interesting aspect, completely new, we find in this documentation was the transposition of a proposed Catholic ideology on Muslims to condemn. We refer to the fact that we found three complaints made by guard Moors images of Mohammed as their religion, and we have seen, forbade them to possess. These accusations are most unlikely and encourage us to say that it is a fake trial, incriminating intent as precisely the areas in which these prisoners were captured, the diocese of Zaragoza and Valencia, the population was Islamized of the Peninsula, and it was unthinkable that this be given taking into account the nature of the Moors who lived there, representing the militant orthodoxy more pronounced. The first example dates from the mid sixteenth century, when Valencia was caught the Catalina Martinez Buxa for having "a lump of red dress and that was the figure of Muhammad" (37 .) This was repeated a quarter century later when in 1588 was Jerome Anjabm defendant brought before the Aragonese Inquisition "they had seen at home Deste Moorish very spot that was taken from a chest a lump of silver, gordor of ALCAR a brace and a foot and I heard it said that bulk e ymagen hera figure of Muhammad and putting it on a table
knees adored him "(38
). Finally, in 1592 Isabel Obres was convicted in the same court hand "adoration of the statue of Mohammed" (39
). Thus, these three examples help us understand why the management of inquisitorial sources is dangerous, because the accusations were often be anonymous and could be caused by jealousy or personal problems and not an objective reason. It is true that, as stated by Abd-El-Khalil (1954, p. 93), there were Iranian Muslim families in the education of girls using images of Mary as a model to be pure, ideal, ethereal, the ideal to follow breach, on the other hand, Islamic precepts, but it is unusual to find allusions to sculptures of Muhammad in any aspects of Islam. This is not to state that might not be true that the Moors have assimilated this custom, as in the words of Clement (1995, p. 11), possession of images would be a symptom of desislamización and Westernization, but the marginal cases, as well as their geographical situation in places of extreme Islamism, champions of Muslim orthodoxy, merely ask to what extent we really believe that Hispanics are newly converted devoted to commission sculptures and worship Muhammad as their religion forbade an exhaustively, in the case, as noted, of false allegations by Old Christians for imprisonment.
In these pages we have tried to present an approach to vision que los moriscos tuvieron del arte, cómo reaccionaron ante las imposiciones cristianas y remarcaron su ideología frente al culto omnímodo del catolicismo. Durante más de un siglo, el poder religioso y político creyó que con un plan más o menos organizado de campañas evangelizadoras se podría convertir no sólo de palabra sino de hecho a esta minoría. Utilizaron todas las herramientas que tuvieron en su mano, como las  imágenes, elementos que fomentan la mnemotecnia y que ayudan a fijar las ideas en el intelecto. El problema, como expuso Valera, no fue que así lo hicieran sino el modo de aproximarse a ellos, imponiendo. No sabemos qué hubiera ocurrido si las ideas de Hernando de Talavera, totalmente peaceful and based on full knowledge of the people to acculturate had been continued by his successors. The first archbishop of Granada was very smart to use Marian sculptures to seek their support and conversion, the opposite of what happens in the rest of the Peninsula, where the standard of their campaigns were the crosses, one of the most aberrations, as Muslim theology of Catholicism. They became a symbol of oppression and acted before destroying them or pouring them insulting comments, as we have checked with various examples Inquisition.

We also wanted to show how the problem approach and worship the image not only corresponded to the Moors. Old Christians and Protestants continually questioned where was the line between reverence and idolatry. The newly converted Lutherans and Calvinists were in the best allies in the defense of their hostile attitude. Following their model, repeated contacts were iconoclasts and acts socially. Here, already identified by previous researchers (Cardaillac 1977, Márquez Villanueva, 1991, Domínguez-Vincent, 1978), can also be seen in the court's inquisitorial Zaragoza, where the principality of Bearn Gauls came to Hispanic lands in order to import their customs and to extend it. Both sides shared a similar ideology, but they separated the cult of the Virgin, as the Moors remained faithful to its traditions and cultic objects discriminated on what they had to act.

Finally we show several specific cases of how we approach the Inquisition with extreme caution. A lack of Muslim theology and the Moorish customs depending on your geographic area would have caused the error to make as certain the three examples in which worships an image of Mohammed. We believe it is, as noted, a transposition of Christian ideology to Muslims, because, as is known, while the newly converted, especially the upper classes in Andalusia, knew quite correctly a Catholic doctrines, many of the faithful did not know what were the dogmas Muslims, causing them to produce indictments curious that in this text have brought to light. We plead with our investigation to continue delving into the complicated world of art and Moorish minority as a representation of shocks and parallels between two cultures. Fortunately, in recent years is causing a reassessment of these studies and hope to contribute, with this selection of thirty Inquisition of more than half found a small grain of sand to the knowledge of sixteenth-century society based on one of the sources, although they have been vigorously discussed by historians, in the arts have been marginalized until now.
Notes
1.
This work has been done through the postdoctoral fellowship from the Casa de Velázquez, within the Research Project I + D + I HAR2009-07740 from the Ministry of Education and Science, National Plan 2009-2012: The Mediterranean settings of early Renaissance painting in the Crown of Aragon (c. 1435-1540). Paint problems. Scientific Director: Dr. Ximo Company.

2.
AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 4972, no. 1.

3.

AHN. Inquisition. Lib. 988, 1581, sp
4.
AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 1853, no. 7. Also: GARCIA FUENTES, 1981, p. 186.

5. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 806, no. 2, fol. 8. 6. AHN. Inquisition. Lib. 934, fol. 408.
7. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 4972, Vol. 1.
8. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 2002, no. 16.
9. AHN. Inquisition. Lib. 989, 1585, sp
10. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 1953, no. 14.
11. AHN. Inquisition. Lib. 935, fol. 104.
12. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 1856, no. 10. Also in: GRACE BOIX, 1983, p. 167.
13. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 1953, no. 13.
14. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 549, no. 7.
15. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 548, no. 6.
16. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 4972, Vol. 5.
17. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 4972, Vol. 1.
18. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 553, no. 10
19. AHN. Inquisición. Lib. 989, 1588, sp
20. AHN. Inquisición. Lib. 988, 1579, sp
21. AHN. Inquisición. Leg. 2075, ext. 7.
22. AHN. Inquisición. Lib. 989, 1582, sp
23. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 4972, no. 8. 1593.
24. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 806, no. 2.
25. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 1953. No.. 5. Also: GARCIA FUENTES, 1981, p. 108.
26. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 2022. No.. 14.
27. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 1953, no. 8. Also: GARCIA FUENTES, 1981, p. 144.
28. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 548, no. 22.
29. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 553, no. 15.
30. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 1953, no. 12. Also: GARCIA FUENTES, 1981, p. 126
31. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 529, no. 15.
32. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 1856, no. 11. Also: GARCIA FUENTES, 1981, p. 143.
33. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 1953, no. 5. Also: GARCIA FUENTES, 1981, p. 114.
34. AHN. Inquisition. Leg. 4972, no. 2. 1569.
35. AHN. Inquisition. Lib. 988, 1578, sp
36. AHN. Inquisición. Leg. 2022, ext. 7, 1573.
37. AHN. Inquisición. Lib. 936, 1550-1580, sp
38. AHN. Inquisición. Lib. 989, 1582-1596, sp
39. AHN. Inquisition. Lib. 989, 1582-1596,
sp.
Abbreviations
AHN. Archives in Madrid.
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